Last updated Nov 29, 2025
marketseconomygovernment
A government backstop to resolve the SVB crisis would likely require roughly $25–50 billion (around 5–10% of the original TARP size), and if structured with seniority and warrants in SVB and/or affected companies, could plausibly return at least 50% and potentially up to 100%+ profit on that capital to US taxpayers over time.
This would require maybe 25 or $50 billion, 10%, maybe five, 10% of the totality of Tarp would be enough to cover what's happening here with Silicon Valley Bank and work this out... the American people could get some warrants on those companies or warrants and ownership in Silicon Valley Bank and make at least $0.50 on the dollar, maybe even double.View on YouTube
Explanation

Key elements of Jason’s prediction did not occur, even though one numerical aspect was close.

  1. Scale of the backstop. He said the situation would likely require roughly $25–50 billion, about 5–10% of TARP. In practice, Treasury authorized up to $25 billion from the Exchange Stabilization Fund as a backstop for the Federal Reserve’s Bank Term Funding Program (BTFP), created in direct response to the SVB/Signature stress. (sfnet.com) TARP’s original authorization was $700 billion, so $25 billion is ~3.6% of TARP—slightly below but broadly in the same ballpark as his 5–10% of TARP framing. (en.wikipedia.org) So the order-of-magnitude part of the prediction was reasonably accurate.

  2. Who bore the losses and how. SVB’s failure is estimated to cost about $20 billion to the FDIC’s Deposit Insurance Fund (DIF), funded by assessments on banks, not by general taxpayers. (fdic.gov) The FDIC is recouping those costs through a special assessment on banks, not through a taxpayer-funded capital injection. (reuters.com) This is structurally quite different from a TARP‑style government investment funded by taxpayers.

  3. No TARP‑style equity/warrants in SVB or its depositors’ companies. Jason envisioned taxpayers getting senior claims and warrants in SVB and/or affected companies, allowing them to potentially earn a 50–100%+ profit. In reality:

    • Shareholders and certain unsecured debtholders of SVB were explicitly not protected; there was no federal equity infusion into SVB itself. (federalreserve.gov) SVB equity went to (or near) zero in the receivership, so taxpayer-held warrants in SVB would not have produced large gains.
    • In the actual sale, the FDIC received equity appreciation rights in First Citizens BancShares stock (up to about $500 million), which it later exercised, providing some offset to DIF losses. (fdic.gov) But this upside accrues to the FDIC’s insurance fund, not as a large, TARP‑like profit stream to general taxpayers, and it is far smaller than the ~$16–20 billion estimated cost to the DIF.
    • There were no broad-based warrants or equity stakes in the portfolio companies/depositors as part of the official rescue framework.
  4. Taxpayer profit claim. Jason’s core claim was that a roughly $25–50 billion government backstop, structured with seniority and warrants, could plausibly return at least 50% and potentially 100%+ profit to U.S. taxpayers over time. Since:

    • The actual intervention did not use taxpayer-funded equity or broad warrant positions,
    • The publicly documented outcome is a large net cost to the FDIC’s fund with relatively modest offsetting upside (First Citizens equity appreciation rights), there is no realized 50–100%+ profit to taxpayers from a TARP‑like SVB backstop.

Because the actual policy architecture (FDIC resolution funded by bank assessments + Fed lending backed by a mostly unused $25B Treasury backstop) diverged from the TARP‑style, warrant-heavy structure he described, and no such profit stream to taxpayers materialized, the overall prediction about how a government backstop would work out for taxpayers is best classified as wrong, despite his back-of-the-envelope estimate of the scale (around $25B) being roughly aligned with the authorized backstop size.